Nowe informacje na temat anty-Polskiej ksiazki Grossa

To co jest nadole, od pana Thompsona z USA, jest bardzo interysujace.
Jest to dobre czytanie.

Sa informacje dotyczace pseudo intelectualnej pracy robione przez pioro
anty-Katolickiego profesora Jana Grossa. Pan Gross nie tylko jest
anty-Katolicki ale on krecil prawde.

To wyglada jak on mial przyjemnosci kiedy on klamal o wiekszosci (o
Polsce). Co jest napisane na dole jest bardzo proste. I to pokaze ze
prawdopodobnie Gross jest poprostu tylko patologicznym klamcem. Mimo tego,
to co jest napisane nadole jest naogol dobrze i tylko brakuje informacji ze
tych co popierali Grossa byli dzieci przeciwko wiekszosc obywateli. Dzieci
tych anty-Katolikow byli zatrudzeni w Ministerstwie Spraw Zagranicznych.

To jest ewedentne ze dzieci tych anty- Polskich komunistow widzielize
praca Grossa byl bardzo szkodliwy dla narodu Polskiego. Wiec oni
przetlumaczyli jego ksiazke na jezyk angielski. Nie tylko to. Jest
absolutnym faktem ze dzienikarzi zydowskiego pochodzenia gloryfikowali
Grossa w gazetach.

Warto jest dystrybutowac to co jest nadole w jezyku Czeskim, Polskim,
Slowackim, Ukrainskim i Rosyjskim zeby pokazac jak ci wrogowie wszystkich
narodow swiata pracuja razem globalnie.

bronek
===============================================
The recent book review, shown below, is rather interesting. It's a good
read.

It pertains to a pseudo intellectual study conducted by a Prof. Jan Gross.
Mr. Gross appears to be an ardent anti-Catholic individual. He goes out of
his way to distort reality.

He seems to find joy in slandering majorities. The review below is simple
and denotes that Gross might be merely a pathological liar.

What the review fails to include, however, is the fact that the
anti-Polish Gross obtained support from the children of former anti-majority
communists. The progeny of the anti-Christians were employed in the
Department of Foreign Affairs.

As a result of his anti-majority work, the detrimental labor of Gross was
translated by the department into the English language. Not only that, it is
an absolute fact that journalists of the noted chosen background glorified
Gross in mainstream newspapers.

============================================================================
=======
Book Review: Fear - Anti-Semitism in Poland After Auschwitz/
By James R. Thompson / Issue: Oct. 2007

Jan Tomasz Gross, Fear: Anti-Semitism in Poland After Auschwitz

New York, NY, Random House, 2006/ ISBN: 978-0691128788, Hardcover, pp.
336, $25.95 (US)
Professor Gross begins his argument with the following declaration
concerning his methodology: "The nature of prejudice is to make unwarranted
totalizing claims, whereas understanding advances through elucidation of
careful distinctions. These are directly opposed mental exercises. And if
one tries to argue prejudice away by the usual procedure of testing
hypotheses (that is, by pointing to alternative explanations or false
deductions or limitations in the empirical evidence), one enters a kind of
discourse where the prejudice's basic premise is already accepted."

While the first sentence begins with a platitude, the subsequent ones
remove us from the universally accepted scholarly method of testing
hypotheses by means known since the emergence of Aristotelian logic. What is
wrong, one might ask, with testing the null hypothesis that there is a great
deal of anti-Semitism in Poland? Historians and lawyers have traditionally
been comfortable with bringing forward facts to confirm or deny such a
hypothesis.

In contrast, Gross declares that the above hypothesis is unacceptably
formulated and then accepts no argument that it could be false. This "in
your face" method of imposing one's foregone conclusions on the reader
leaves no way of rebutting false assumptions by ushering evidence to the
contrary. The use of this method in historical research allows one to
reshape history by stating preposterous things later published by presses
with the correct zip codes to congeal into the acceptable version of
history.

Gross's way of arguing is quintessentially postmodern; i.e., not based on
consideration of evidence. Nor does it draw conclusions by means of a ladder
of syllogisms. He calls it "analytical history": "What I offer here,
therefore, is not diachronic, but analytical history. I go back and forth in
time over different aspects of events bearing on understanding the
phenomenon of postwar anti-Semitism in Poland." From this point on, page
xiii of the Introduction, there is no question that Gross will reach his
conclusion. He does not conceal his willingness to treat as true the
testimony of Communist officials, unnamed persons quoted from
"documentaries" filmed during the 50-year Soviet occupation, sidewalk
statements, just anything that agrees with his foregone conclusion. In
contrast, evidence that might shatter these selected statements is simply
not ushered in.

As is the case with some other rewritings of history, the author's
foregone conclusion is fuzzy. It rambles over the entire book. But one comes
close to a summary of his conclusion on page 164: "The conceptual and
emotional fog veiling this story lifts somewhat only after we recognize that
Jewish survivors were an unbearable sore spot, because they had been
victimized by their Polish neighbours - for centuries, but especially during
the Nazi occupation ... Episodes of collective violence that, from a
distance, appear random and elemental are on close scrutiny semantically
rich. Virtually every moment is endowed with significance, as people
continuously communicate and comment about what they are doing."

To paraphrase Gross's argument, it is that Catholic Poland is a continuing
reservoir of ecclesiastically supported anti-Semitism. After World War II,
this reservoir was a combustible mixture, which could be lit by anything.
Once started, it could spread throughout the community with lethal results.
By design or accident, Professor Gross's book has been timed to correspond
to a political agenda.

Jews demand Polish restitution
Here is up-to-date (as of February 2007) political background to Gross's
story. Although Poland did not produce a Quisling, and all expropriations
were done by the German and Soviet occupiers, nevertheless, given the fact
that the Poles did not save their Jews from the Germans and did not protect
their property, the sins of the grandfathers require that the current
impoverished Polish state pay massive reparations to Jewish individuals and
organizations representing the interests of Holocaust survivors. The demands
by these organizations are huge, well beyond the ability of Poland to pay.
Twenty representatives of these organizations arrived in Warsaw on February
27, 2007, to press the Polish government for tens of billions of dollars of
restitution. The Jewish organizations are not unaware of the fact that the
European Union will be paying to the Poles, over the next several years,
tens of billions of dollars for the improvement of Poland's long-neglected
infrastructure. These organizations have in mind a better use for those
monies.

Three pogroms
To support his conclusions, Gross focuses on three pogroms that occurred
in Soviet-occupied Poland in 1945. One in Rzeszow (June 12, 1945), another
in Krakow (August 11, 1945) and a third in Kielce (July 4, 1946). The number
of Jews (Gross's figures) killed in the three pogroms were zero, one to
five, and 42, respectively. Gross gives as his estimates for the total
number of Jews killed in anti-Semitic events in Poland during the post-war
period as being between 500 and 1,500 (Fear, p. 258).

When one thinks of pogroms historically, these figures hardly rise to the
level of ethnic cleansing. In 1648, the Cossack leader Bogdan Khmelnitsky
set off the killing of over 100,000 Ukrainian Jews. The Nazi regime killed
six million Jews from all over Europe during the period 1939-1945. The
period immediately after World War II was one of utter devastation in
Poland. In one NKVD action in Suwalki (July 12-25, 1945), 600-800 Polish
Catholics were killed (Rzeczpospolita, 9 July 2005). The rate of 500 killed
for 250,000 Jews living in Poland during the interval 1945-1948 (Gross's
figure, p. 258) does not seem far out of line for a similar ratio regarding
the Catholic population. In a country which in 1945 still fought against
enslavement by Communism, it would not be out of line if one person in 500
died a violent death.

Gross concentrates on the Kielce (July 4, 1946) pogrom. This produced 42
deaths. Early on, there were two basic interpretations of what had gone on:
the position of the government and that of the Catholic bishops. The
Communist government of Bierut and Berman claimed that this was the result
of an attack by the AK and NSZ (forces loyal to the pre-war government
exiled in London). Much effort was spent by the Communists and hundreds of
people were tortured to produce evidence to support this view. Yet, nobody
today takes the Bierut position seriously.

The position of the Catholic episcopacy was that the Kielce pogrom was a
bungled provocation, planned long in advance by the Communists. On June 30,
there had been the rigged election (the Three Times "Yes" meant to
legitimize the government of Soviet-occupied Poland). The Communists wished
to have a manufactured incident on the American Fourth of July in order to
deflect attention from the fact that democracy in Poland had formally and
ceremonially ceased to exist. The killing of the Jews on 7 Planty Street
involved a number of deaths by gunshot. Yet, the only persons, outside the
military and organs of state security, who were allowed to carry arms were,
in fact, such organizations as the Jewish group hunkered down on Planty
Street. (Any Polish Catholic found with a firearm was summarily executed.)
Gross ignores this inconvenient fact.

Five Polish priests tried to get to the area and were turned back by a
cordon of police that had instantly appeared where the pogrom was taking
place (Kielce, July 4, 1946: Background, Context and Events, Toronto: Polish
Educational Foundation, 1996). Of course, the entire civil administration
was under the control of the Communist government, whose leadership in
Warsaw appeared to be well in touch with the events taking place in Kielce.
There was throughout the feeling of a badly choreographed and poorly timed
play. A Russian NKVD unit arrived under apparently prearranged orders
prepared to annihilate a crowd of bloodthirsty Poles. But there was no crowd
when the NKVD units arrived.
There is much cui bono evidence to support the position of the Catholic
bishops. Gross is incensed that the bishops did not follow the directive of
the Communist government to denounce the killings. But they did denounce
those killings. What they did not do was to support the charges of the
Communist government that the killings were the result of actions planned by
the anti-Communist forces. The presenter of the bishops' report, Bishop
Czeslaw Kaczmarek, paid dearly for his intransigence. He was tortured for
months and sentenced (without his teeth, which the security police had
removed from his jaws) to a lengthy sentence by a Communist court of spying
for the Americans. This fact is not mentioned by Gross.

Gross treats the Kielce UB (secret police) as though they were led by
Inspector Jane Tennyson of New Scotland Yard rather than as ruthless, highly
disciplined apparatchik. He talks grandly about this or that key person
being on summer holidays as though in July of 1946 people were off taking
the waters at a spa or hunting grouse on the moors. Yet Kielce in 1946 was
incomparably worse off than London after the Blitz. This was a city under
occupation since September of 1939. It was under complete control of the
Russian-run administration and spontaneous civil demonstrations were
unthinkable.

Pareto Principle- One thing in common to the position of the government
and that of the bishops is that both views assumed that the murders at
Planty 7 were planned and directed by leaders and not spontaneous acts of
individual mob members. This confirms the so-called Pareto Principle, which
notes that catastrophic failures in systems are due to one or a few
assignable causes, rather than a general malaise across the system.
Throughout the ghastly Holocaust of Jews, Poles, Gypsies, etc., the Nazi
killings were planned and organized. From the lootings of Kristallnacht to
the gassings at Auschwitz-Birkenau, the killing and violence were planned
and directed. Gross denounces the view of the bishops and does not exactly
support the government's view, either. Rather, he advances a position
revisionist to that of the government (Fear, p. 163):
I find the terms "pogrom" and prowokacja misleading in denoting episodes
of collective behaviour such as took place in Kielce. They relegate the
phenomenon to the repertoire of "mob behaviour," attributing it implicitly
to socially marginal malcontents presumably acting out their frustrations
and quite frequently manipulated to do so by unscrupulous agents of the
ruling strata, who thus deflect the resolution of mounting social conflicts.
But on July 4, 1946, in Kielce, we did not see an unexpected blowup by the
lumpenproletariat. Instead, it was Mr. (and Mrs.) Tout-le-Monde, the
Mom-and-Pop crowd deliberate and very much at ease with what they were
doing.

In Gross's view, the killings at Kielce were due to a general spirit of
anti-Semitism, which spontaneously led to the actions of a mass of
individuals. In other words, Gross stands the Pareto Principle on its head
and claims that Kielce was due to a general malaise across the Polish
Catholic society. In Gross's view, this is a continuing problem fueled by
Polish Catholicism.

Jews in Soviet security apparatus
Having made his argument for systemic anti-Semitism in Poland, Gross then
spends some chapters to establish his other major conclusion: Polish
anti-Semitism has nothing to do with any imagined collaboration between
Polish Jews and the Soviets. Although Professor Gross will brook no testing
of null hypotheses, the reader might be interested in the statement by
Professor Andrzej Paczkowski, former head of the respected Institute of
National Memory, to the effect that the proportion of Jews on the central
decision-making level in the Soviet-controlled security apparatus in Poland
was about 30 per cent (Paczkowski, "Zydzi w UB- proba weryfikacji
stereotypu," in Komunizm:ideologia, system, ludzie, edited by Tomasz
Szarota. Warsaw: Institute of History of the Polish Academy of Sciences,
2001, p. 197).

There were approximately 25 million Polish Catholics in Poland in 1945.
There were approximately 250,000 Jews in Poland in 1945. After a little
arithmetic, we find that the proportion of Jews who opted to join the UB was
42 times that of Catholics. Gross does not dispute the fact that the
proportion of Jews willing to work for the secret police was higher than
that of the Catholics. But he gives an intriguing explanation for why this
was so (Fear, p. 227): "But the MBP did not look specifically for Jews to
fill the available positions. There was an overall shortage of qualified
personnel; people were being pulled every which way to take jobs all over
the new administration and what one ended up doing was very often a matter
of pure coincidence."

In other words, the reason for the alarmingly higher proportion of Jews
than that of Catholics in the UB was the relatively greater competence of
the Jews. And that competitive advantage must have been substantial, as the
ratio of 42 would indicate. In Gross's analysis, there is no attention given
to the fact a Polish Catholic who joined the UB would be regarded as a
traitor to his nation and would be excommunicated from his Church. By
Gross's calculus, Polish Catholics were "under-represented" in the UB
because they were less competent.

The invasion of Poland by Germany and Russia in September of 1939 was an
unprovoked partition of the country. It is understood that the Poles were
not pleased by the Russian occupation, but it may be thought that the
Russian occupation was a minor annoyance compared to the occupation by the
Germans. In an earlier book, Revolution from Abroad written in his
pre-postmodern days, when Gross was an associate professor at Emory, Gross
carefully and with excellent documentation shows how wrong this notion was.
He wrote (Revolution from Abroad, Princeton Univ. Press, 1st ed., p. 229):
"These very conservative estimates show that the Soviets killed or drove to
their deaths three or four times as many people as the Nazis from a
population half the size of that under German jurisdiction. This comparison
holds for the first two years of the Second World War, the period before the
Nazis began systematic mass annihilation of the Jewish population."

Soviet terror- Gross shows that, for Polish Catholics, the Soviets were
even worse, indeed much worse than the brutal Nazis. Essentially, all the
Polish professional and semi-professional classes (doctors, lawyers,
teachers, engineers, managers, foremen, farmers with holdings beyond a few
acres, etc.) were rounded up by the Soviets and then either killed
immediately or retained in prisons for shipments to slave labour camps in
Siberia and Central Asia. Prison conditions were hellish, worse than those
in the Nazi concentration camps. Gross writes (Revolution, p. 161): "In
Lwów, 28 people living in an 11.5-square-metre cell relied on the
geometrical skills of a gifted high-school student who fitted them most
ingeniously by size into an intricate pattern." Sanitary conditions were
appalling, with inmates frequently forced to urinate and defecate on the
floors of the cells.

Jews welcomed Soviet invasion
What was the situation with the Jews in the lands occupied by the Soviets
and what was their attitude to the occupiers? Gross writes (Revolution, p.
32): "What Poles and Ukrainians report, often with biting irony, the Jews do
not deny: 'Jews greeted the Soviet army with joy. The youth was spending
days and evenings with the soldiers ... Jews received incoming Russians
enthusiastically; they (the Russians) also trusted them (the Jews)."

Again, Gross writes (Revolution, p. 34, quoting Celina Koninska): "It is
hard to find words to describe the feeling - this waiting and this
happiness. We wondered how to express ourselves - to throw flowers? To sing?
To organize a demonstration? How to show our great joy? I think the Jews
awaiting the Messiah will feel, when he finally comes, the way we felt."
These warm receptions by Jews for the Soviets in eastern Poland were in
September of 1939, when there were no Germans in sight. The Jews were
rejoicing over the occupation of eastern Poland by the Russians. To Polish
Catholics, this was simply treason, analogous to the occasional warm
receptions in western Poland of the Germans by some Volksdeutsche.

Now, it is undeniable that in the German-occupied portion of Poland, where
the situation of the Jews was worse than that of the Catholics, many Polish
families hid Jews from the Nazi occupiers. It is a matter of record that
Poles are listed at Yad Vashem numerically first amongst the righteous
Gentiles for risking their lives and those of their families for sheltering
Jews from the Nazis. So, it is fair to ask the question, "When did Jews use
their favoured position in Soviet-occupied eastern Poland to shelter Polish
Catholics from the NKVD?" This reviewer regrets to say that he cannot find
any instances of such assistance.

Soviet executions of Polish Catholics
Up to the day (June 22, 1941) when Hitler broke his deal with Stalin and
invaded Soviet-occupied Poland, Gross (Revolution, p. 194) estimates that
1.25 million people were transported into the Soviet Union from eastern
Poland. The ghastly NKVD prisons in Poland were generally used as holding
cells for Poles awaiting execution or prison train space for transportation
to the gulags. When the Germans attacked the Soviets on June 22, 1941, the
NKVD killed or moved to the east 150,000 prisoners from these holding cells.
In the Brygidki prison in Lwów, on June 22, 1941, the NKVD killed almost all
of the 13,000 inmates. (Revolution, p. 179). This was recorded by Gross as a
"massacre," rather than a pogrom. After the Nazis occupied western Poland in
1939, they encouraged anti-Semitic acts by the Poles, including pogroms. The
Germans had only the most minimal success. Polish Catholics were not
inclined to participate in Nazi murders. Moreover, the Polish underground
punished betrayal of Jews to the Nazis by death.

After the Russians rapidly retreated following the German attack of June
22, 1941, in the brief time interval before the Germans could take over,
there was a number of killings of collaborators, including many Jews, by the
Polish underground. One example of such took place in Szczuczyn, where there
were four NKVD prisons. Gross gives such killings as evidence of Polish
anti-Semitism. But, we still must wonder why the Polish Catholics in
German-occupied western Poland, where pogroming was a state-subsidized
activity, had not engaged in such activities.

Gross's allegations are false; financial claims outrageous
As stated early on in this review, Professor Gross disdains to use
empirical timeline data and Aristotelian logic to prove his point. To those
of us who believe in logical conclusions based on facts, his thesis does not
hold water. Worse, it is beyond mean-spirited to treat Catholic Poland,
victimized by half a century of brutal and systematic rape, as though it
were itself a rapist. And to offer up Catholicism, the faith that has
sustained the Polish nation in its 50-year-long ordeal, as an underlying
cause of Poland's alleged anti-Semitism is not acceptable. There is no
question that there is a very large choir with whom Gross's voice resonates.
The Jews lost property during the Second World War in Poland and the Poles
must pay for it. If the cupboard is bare, if there is massive deprivation,
even starvation in Poland, it makes no difference.

This raises another question. According to Teresa Bochwic (Rzeczpospolita,
August 3, 2002), two out of three of the current residents of Poland have
either suffered the loss of their homes as a result of World War II and the
events following or are descendants of those who have. The organs of state
security, led by such persons as Jakub Berman, and the Soviet NKVD, were
directly responsible for the deaths of over one million Polish Catholics.
Where should the Catholic victims go for redress of grievances? Poles ask
simply to be left alone, to be freed from quasi-legal attacks by those who
would keep them oppressed forever. Poland had the highest proportion of
deaths during World War II (17 per cent of the population). Next to the
U.S.S.R., the U.S.A. and Great Britain, Poland contributed the greatest
number of troops in the war against Hitler. The Polish underground produced
the highest number of attacks against the Nazis of any occupied country and
suffered the greatest retaliations. There was no Quisling or Petainist
government in Poland. Collaboration with the Nazis was rare and punished by
the underground by death. Poland has the largest number of "righteous
Gentiles" recorded at Yad Vashem. It should take more than post-modern
sermonizing to justify the further victimization of this long-suffering
nation.

James R. Thompson teaches at Rice University, Houston, TX. This essay is
reprinted from The Chesterton Review, Special Polish Issue, Spring/Summer
2007, with permission. Subtitles have been added by Catholic Insight. For
subscription information for The Chesterton Review, e-mail:
chestertoninstitute@sju.educ. or telephone (973) 275-2431.