Re: Książka łamie tabu milczenia - wywiad z Andrzejem Gwiazdą i Joanną Duda-Gwiazdą
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Re: Książka Å‚amie tabu milczenia - wywiad z Andrzejem GwiazdÄ… i JoannÄ… Duda-GwiazdÄ…         

Group: pl.soc.polityka · Group Profile
Author: sofu
Date: Jul 1, 2008 01:12

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Kościół katolicki to siedlisko wszelkiego zła, a szatan ma w nim używanie.
Użytkownik "pluton_" napisał w wiadomości
news:g48k2f$k2c$1@news.onet.pl...
>> A.G.: - Całkowicie co innego wynika z hasła w holenderskiej encyklopedii
>> o przyznaniu mu tej nagrody.
>
> A co na ten temat mowia encyklepedia zimbawanska i papuo-nowogwinejska ?
> Na pewno tez ciekawe artykuly sa na ten temat w prasie jamajskiej.
>
> No i oczywiscie polecam monografie Profesora Mbongo Ukelele z Wagadugu
> (Wybrzeze kosci sloniowej).
>
> --
> pozdrawiam
> P.L.U.T.O.N.: Positronic Lifeform Used for Troubleshooting and Online
> Nullification
>

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Moze tutaj wyczytacie? Ale to jest raczej wprowadzenie, a nie koncowe
uzasadnienie?
Nie wiem czy oni publicznie uzasadniaja przyznanie nagrody Nobla? Jesli tak
to raczej ogolnikowo.

---
Nobel PrizeR medal - registered trademark of the Nobel Foundation
The Nobel Peace Prize 1983
Presentation Speech

Presentation Speech delivered by Egil Aarvik, Chairman of the Norwegian
Nobel Committee, on the occasion of the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize
for 1983, Oslo, December 10, 1983.

Your Majesty, Your Royal Highnesses, Your Excellencies, Ladies and
Gentlemen:

"Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and
inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of
freedom, justice and peace in the world."

Thus begins the text of the United Nations' Declaration of Human Rights, a
declaration which, with its definition of the concept of peace, forms the
basis of the Norwegian Nobel Committee's decision to award this year's Peace
Prize to the Polish trade union leader, Lech Walesa.

The campaign for human rights is, necessarily, an inseparable part of the
struggle for peace. The selection of a Peace Prize winner on these grounds
is not new: laureates such as the South African Albert Lutuli, Martin Luther
King from the U.S.A., Andrei Sakharov from the U.S.S.R., and the Argentinian
Adolfo Pérez Esquivel received, their awards on just these grounds. The
Committee believes that this year's prize winner can justly take his place
among this gathering of campaigners for human rights.

Consideration of the question of human rights raises the well known problem:
"Why does humanity advance so slowly?" It has, however, become more
generally recognised that a peace which is won and defended through the
violation of human rights, is a peace which neither can nor ought to be
permanent.

The present generation has perhaps learned this in a way no previous
generation experienced. Military occupation and foreign domination, together
with the associated evils of physical and mental terror, have led more and
more people to understand the great truth - that "freedom and life are one".
Peace is created where people live and breathe in freedom, and where one
does as one would be done by.

We can assume that such thoughts lie behind the United Nations' Declaration
of Human Rights - which the world community has adopted as the basis for
peaceful coexistence between peoples and nations. For the Norwegian Nobel
Committee it was a natural development to consider the Peace Prize in the
light of this declaration. Through the presentation of this year's award the
Committee once again draws the attention of the world community to its own
definition of the concept of peace.

It follows from this that the Committee's deliberations and decisions are
necessarily independent of national and political boundaries. The guidelines
given to the Committee in Alfred Nobel's will stipulate that the
presentation of the Peace Prize is the responsibility of the Committee
alone, and cannot be influenced by outside forces. Thus the Nobel Peace
Prize can never be more - or less - than a hand stretched out to individuals
or groups who give expression to the longing for peace and freedom felt by
all the peoples of the world, wherever they live. We believe that it is in
the spirit of Alfred Nobel's legacy that the Peace Prize should be a gesture
of solidarity with those who, in the service of peace, campaign for
humanity's highest ideals.

Human dignity is an important concept in this connection. The phrase has two
central connotations: firstly, that the dignity of humanity is inviolable,
and, secondly, that each and every human being has the same, everlasting
value. A natural corollary of this is that we all have a common duty to
defend human dignity. All thoughts of solidarity - even the command to love
one another - have their foundation here. Human dignity is humanity's shared
possession, a possession which we all have both a part in and a
responsibility for. We are bound together in a common lot which makes it
impossible for us to be unaffected by the fate of others.

Another Nobel Prize winner, Ernest Hemingway, opens one of his novels with a
famous quotation from the English poet John Donne which illustrates this
point with an almost shocking clarity:

"No man is an island, intire of its self; every man is a piece of the
Continent, a part of the maine; if a clod bee washed away by the sea, Europe
is the lesse, as well as if a Promontorie were; as well as if a Mannor of
thy friends or of thine owne were; any mans death diminishes me, because I
am involved in Mankinde; And therefore never send to know for whom the bell
tolls; It tolls for thee."

This is the way in which we ought to experience humanity's oneness. "Any
man's death diminishes me." Every brother being in chains is my shame. Every
longing for freedom which is suppressed, every human right which is violated
is a personal defeat for me - because we are united in human kind and share
one another's fate.

Up from this ideal of human oneness this year's prize winner has raised a
burning torch, a shining name, the name of Solidarity. He has lifted the
torch unarmed; the word, the spirit and the thought of freedom and human
rights were his weapons. And, as is so often the case, the struggle involved
great personal sacrifice, even though the object was something as simple as
the workers' right to establish their own organisations. This is a right
which, again, is confirmed in the world community's declaration of human
rights.

The Norwegian Nobel Committee has evaluated Lech Walesa's contribution in
this field as being of essential importance in the campaign to establish the
universal freedom of organisation in all countries. It is in just this
context that the name "Solidarity" has its deepest and most wide- ranging
meaning. Lech Walesa's contribution is more than a domestic Polish concern;
the solidarity for which he is spokesman is an expression of precisely the
concept of being at one with humanity; therefore he belongs to us all. The
world has heard his voice and understood his message; the Nobel Peace Prize
is merely a confirmation of this.

Lech Walesa has made the name "Solidarity" more than an expression of the
unity of a group campaigning for special interests. Solidarity has come to
represent the determination to resolve conflicts and obliterate disagreement
through peaceful negotiation, where all involved meet with a mutual respect
for one another's integrity.

Conflicts and disagreements can be various, and can lead to many different
reactions. Those involved will inevitably be faced with complicated
decisions. This was the situation one August day in 1980, when Lech Walesa
climbed over the steel fence of the Lenin yards in Gdansk, took the
microphone and at a stroke became the leader of Polish solidarity. He was
faced with overwhelming difficulties; the choice of strategy was not easy.
The goal was clear enough: the workers' right to organise and the right to
negotiate with the country's officials on the workers' social and economic
situation. But which of the many available paths would lead him to this
goal?

This is not the occasion to evaluate the political situation Lech Walesa
found himself in. Suffice it to say that it was difficult. More interesting
to us now is the fact that Walesa's chosen strategy was that of peace and
negotiation. And, as always in such situations, the willingness to negotiate
implied the willingness to compromise - here because it was obvious that the
opponent was also fighting adverse conditions, both economic and political.
Solidarity came to represent, as a result of a mobilisation of the national
will - the so called "Polish social opposition", the possibility of a
solidarity of opinion in the whole nation. This was not an opposition which
involved the use of physical power. Rather, it was a question of a spiritual
or intellectual power which, because of its universal acceptance in the
populace, would permeate the system and dissolve conflicts from within.

By following this peaceful course, without resorting to violence, Solidarity
became a rapidly expanding movement. The courage which Lech Walesa showed in
stepping forward openly and unarmed was overwhelmingly rewarded by the
millions of Polish workers and farmers who joined him in his struggle.

Thus, in awarding the Peace Prize to Lech Walesa today, the Committee wishes
it not only to be seen as a token of respect, but also as an expression of
gratitude for the peaceful courage he showed when choosing his course.

That Walesa and the movement he leads are in keeping with the highest of
human ideals is confirmed not least by the close connections which have
existed between Solidarity and the Polish church. This interdependence is
based not on common political interests, but rather on an ideological unity
in the perception of human value and human rights.

It has not escaped the Committee's notice that the Polish church, which is a
popular church in a way that few European churches are, has been so
consistent in its support of Lech Walesa; this has given Solidarity an
invaluable moral strength. One has great expectations of the role the church
can come to play in Polish society given its standing among the people.

As outsiders we are particularly aware of the way in which Solidarity - also
through its attachment to the church - has shown its willingness for peace
and reconciliation. We have seen them gather in their tens of thousands in
and around the churches in prayer for their land and cause. We have seen
them water with their tears the wreaths of the victims of the fight for
freedom. And we have understood that their unarmed battle is a battle they
fight not only for their own sake, but also for all liberty-loving people
the world over.

It is in this perspective that the Norwegian Nobel Committee has seen Lech
Walesa's contribution. The way he chose was the way of negotiation, peace
and reconciliation.

In the world we live in it is shockingly clear that détente and the peaceful
resolution of conflicts is more necessary than ever before. We have seen too
much of what the brutal use of power can lead to. If history has taught us
anything, it is that the use of violence and power can, in the long run,
only mobilise the powers of death.

Unfortunately, we have also learned that the voice of history does not
always tell of victory for humanity and peace. It is pertinent to ask
whether idealistic and morally sound attitudes do, in fact, have any chance
of success.

This question can, of course, also be raised in the case of Lech Walesa.
True enough, it would be strange if the causes he represents did not
succeed, if only in the long run. He was not a political trouble maker: his
concerns were rather the Polish workers' interests and current demands. But
such demands are not always successful, even when they are as justified as
they are in Lech Walesa's case.

No, Lech Walesa raised no revolutionary banner, and espoused no other weapon
than the peaceful strike weapon which is recognised by the world community.
Neither did he claim support from the declarations of human rights emanating
from the United Nations and the Helsinki agreement. He wished only to
negotiate. Two things alone were of pressing interest: the workers' social
conditions and their right to negotiate.

The background to this singlemindedness was the simple fact that these
rights were not recognised. This had led to outbreaks of universal
bitterness on several occasions previously - in 1956, in 1970, and so again
in 1980. All of these outbreaks were concerned with precisely these
problems: social conditions, freedom of expression and the right to
organise.

One can reasonably wonder why it should be so difficult to achieve
recognition for such aims. Those who know but a little of the history of the
international labour movement will be aware that such difficulties have
always been present. It is still remarkable, however, that working people's
elementary rights can be denied, irrespective of to which ideology or
economic system the respective countries belong. One ought, perhaps, to be
able to believe that there are boundaries behind which it is not necessary
to campaign for workers' rights; such boundaries obviously don't exist.

It is clear that, although Lech Walesa primarily campaigned for elementary
social rights without challenging the established power structure, his
campaign had inevitable political and ideological overtones. His campaign
has also been necessarily a campaign for human rights, and, as such,
inevitably interpreted as an obstruction against the system by the political
authorities.

As the political opposition to Solidarity grew, its own consciousness of
standing for humanity and human rights became clearer. It became
increasingly obvious that Lech Walesa's campaign for workers' rights was
from the very beginning a contribution to the general campaign for human
rights in the world. This connection was emphasised more and more -
especially by intellectual groups within the movement, and also by the
Polish church.

Campaigners for human rights, independent of where in the world they have
lived and worked, have always had one common problem: How can the idealistic
goal be realised when one is obliged, at the same time, to take into account
the practical possibilities in the given situation. Is it wise to moderate
demands and campaign for a step-by-step improvement?

This problem faced Lech Walesa. Was a cautious course - with the possibility
of gaining some ground - the right one? Or should one risk - and stand to
loose - everything? It is impossible to understand the Polish Solidarity
movement without being aware of this problem.

A realistic evaluation of the existing situation would suggest that the best
course was to aim for a combination of the existing one party government
with a social pluralism which permitted the freedom to organise and
negotiate - at any rate in the future. Such a solution was the first
negotiating model.

We know now that even this moderate strategy failed. Solidarity is today a
forbidden organisation. The negotiations and the strikes which were designed
to emphasise the seriousness of the negotiations led to the state of
emergency and the arrest and imprisonment of Lech Walesa.

And, even though the state of emergency is rescinded and Walesa is freed,
his freedom is limited. His own evaluation of the situation has not
permitted him to be present here today. The Peace Prize laureate's seat is
empty; it won't be his voice we hear. Let us therefore try even harder to
listen to the silent speech from his empty place.

At the present time, Lech Walesa cannot be presented as a victor at the end
of a struggle full of sacrifice. His chosen course was not as short and easy
as that. And it could seem that the goals he set himself are just as distant
still.

But is Lech Walesa really silent today? Is he completely without victory?
Has his cause suffered defeat? Many are of the opinion that his voice has
never been stronger and reached further than it does now. The electrician
from Gdansk, the carpenter's son from the Vistula valley has managed to lift
the banner of freedom and humanity so high that the whole world can once
again see it. The power of his belief and vision is unweakened. His actions
have become a chapter in the history of international labour, and the future
will recognise his name among those who contributed to humanity's legacy of
freedom. Once again the stone rejected by the builder has become a
cornerstone; this time a cornerstone in the building of freedom and
democracy which humanity, with varying degrees of success, is attempting to
raise in our world.

It is in any case certain that Lech Walesa's efforts have an important
message for our times. It is the Committee's opinion that he stands as an
inspiration and a shining example to all those who, under different
conditions, fight for freedom and humanity.

If, in a future which we hope is not too distant, there should again be
attempted a compromise between the Polish authorities and the country's
workers and farmers, Lech Walesa's participation will be both necessary and
indispensable.

For he is a victor in the eyes of the ordinary worker or farm labourer; he
is a victor in the eyes of the people and their church. And he is one of the
great spokesmen in the world today for the longing for freedom that can
never be silenced.

Lech Walesa has made humanity bigger and more inviolable. His ambivalent
good fortune is that he has won a victory which is not of this, our
political, world. The presentation of the Peace Prize to him today is a
homage to the power of victory which abides in one person's belief, in his
vision and in his courage to follow his call.

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sofu
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