A Matter of Morals, Not Morales: Respect Bolivia's Democracy!

By Olivia Burlingame Goumbri, AlterNet. Posted September 13, 2008.

Yet again, the United States appears to be siding with violent
right-wing elements to undermine a Latin American democracy.

As an American and an expert on US-Venezuela relations, the events
unfolding in Bolivia are simply too familiar to escape my notice. The
tactics used by opponents of President Chavez during Venezuela's
short-lived coup in 2002 are currently being replicated in a "civic
coup" in neighboring Bolivia that is designed to undermine the
democratic government of Evo Morales. That nation, though different
from Venezuela in so many ways, seems to be travelling down a
strikingly similar road, not least in terms of the role of the media
in encouraging right-wing, anti-democratic opposition groups and the
active support of that process by US officials.

Just over a month ago, on August 10th, Morales won a recall referendum
with over 67%% of the popular vote. This successful electoral process
served as a check on his mandate, and was a powerful reaffirmation of
the legitimacy of his democratic administration. Bolivians turned out
at the polls in even higher numbers for that referendum than during
the last presidential race in 2005, when Morales won 53%% of votes.

Nine days after the peaceful referendum, opposition governors in the
eastern states of Tarija, Bani, Pando, and Santa Cruz mobilized
protests around their secessionist agenda and desire to exert total
control over local natural gas reserves. With those disturbances
barely in the past, a new bout of violence is again threatening
national unity. Two days of mayhem and violence have wracked the city
of Santa Cruz, spurred on by calls broadcast over the national media
to join in "civil disobedience" against the government. Journalists
considered sympathetic to the government were also harassed and
injured.

OAS Secretary General José Miguel Insulza quickly called for the
violent actions of opposition groups to end. Calls to dialogue with
the government were issued and the destruction and illegal seizures of
government buildings, a human rights NGO, and a gas pipeline were
condemned. The violence was not merely symbolic, but also carried with
it economic consequences; damage to the pipeline slowed exports to
Brazil, and repairs to the pipeline could cost an estimated $100
million.

The US Ambassador to Bolivia, Phillip Goldberg, remained astonishingly
silent in the lead-up to the unfolding coup. He did, however, attend a
meeting with opposition leaders a week earlier, causing great concern
to many, including the Bolivian government who declared him persona
non grata.

Goldberg is known by Bolivians and many in the policy world as "the
Ambassador of Ethnic Cleansing" for his previous role as Special
Assistant to Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, one of the architects of
the breakup of Yugoslavia. He also promoted the separation of Serbia
and Montenegro, and helped foment conflict between Serbian and
Albanian forces in Kosovo. It would seem that Goldberg has a
particular knack for promoting racial and ethnic divisions, and that
doing so has been central to his political career. Among Goldberg's
closest friends are Croatian businessmen in Santa Cruz, who happen to
be leaders of the opposition's "Nación Camba" movement and the local
"Civic Committee," one of the main proponents of destabilization in
Bolivia.

In response to the turmoil, President Evo Morales has called for
non-violence and ordered the police and military not to use force
against the opposition. Instead, the government hopes to uphold the
rule of law and wait for opposition actors to abide by calls from the
international community to put down their weapons and talk with the
government.

So far, this has not happened. On September 10th, after most of the
destructive acts had already been carried out, Santa Cruz opposition
senator Óscar Ortiz threatened more violence if President Morales
continued with a new constitution. Despite the fact that he represents
the majority of Bolivians, refusals to recognize President Morales and
his legitimate policy initiatives since he was first elected in 2005
have been a growing problem, and one that reflects racism. In Bolivia,
the Indigenous majority has often been targeted by violent mobs and
paramilitary activity.

Of interest here are many lessons from Venezuela, where opposition
elites have been known to mock President Chavez's mulatto features by
calling him a "monkey." The dangers of an unbridled anti-government
media were on display during the 2002 coup, which was advertised by
television stations that committed the serious crime of inciting
political violence. After advocating the overthrow of the president,
these channels conducted news blackouts as the pro-Chavez rallies grew
and demanded the return of the democratic order. Also, as in Bolivia,
US officials from the Bush administration were quick to lend their
support to the opposition.

Let us hope that things do not go this far -- or further -- in
Bolivia. For all of us Americans who espouse democratic ideals here at
home, it is important to demand the same standards for Bolivia.
Support for democracy cannot be selective. We must respect the right
of Bolivians to live in a country that remains peaceful and united,
not ransacked and bitterly divided.

Olivia Burlingame Goumbri is Executive Director of the Venezuela
Information Office.