Re: Affirmative Action: What Would Kant Philosophize?
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Re: Affirmative Action: What Would Kant Philosophize?         

Group: alt.philosophy · Group Profile
Author: Immortalist
Date: Jan 15, 2007 13:49

Robert Cohen wrote:
> http://fish.blogs.nytimes.com/
>
> January 14, 2007, 9:43 pm
> Revisiting Affirmative Action, With Help From Kant
> Whenever I teach the political writings of Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), I
> always ask my students, would Kant have been for or against affirmative
> action? I thought of the answers they typically give to that question
> when University of Michigan spokesperson Theresa A. Sullivan announced
> last week that the university would comply with Proposal 2, a
> successful state ballot initiative banning affirmative action programs
> that give preferential treatment to persons and groups on the basis of
> race, gender, color, ethnicity or national origin.

Hello and thank you for this article which I am reading now. (rest of
article below my insert) I particularly like Kant's logic and hardly
focus upon his ethics, this since I read the view below and other like
it. But I have crossposted this into alt.kant and some there may know
what Kant might really think about affirmative action if alive.

Philosophical Problems and Arguments: An Introduction
by James W. Cornman, Keith Lehrer, George Sotiros Pappas
http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0872201244/
http://hume.ucdavis.edu/phi102/lecmenu.htm

The First Formulation of
the Categorical Imperative

You are permitted to act on a
principle P only if you can
will P to be a
universal law.

The Second Formulation of
the Categorical Imperative

Act so that you treat humanity,
whether in your own person or
in that of another, always
as an end and never
as a means only.

S) A Proposal for a Satisfactory Standard:
A Utilitarian Kantian Principle

Our job is to find some way to graft the utilitarian principle onto
Kant's second formulation. We know two things: First, the basic
prescription is, if possible, to treat no one merely as a means, but if
this is not possible in a particular situation, then we should treat as
few people as possible as mere means. The overcrowded lifeboat example
illustrates a situation in which someone must be sacrificed, treated as
a mere means, in order to save the others. In such a situation it is
obvious that as few as possible should be sacrificed. Second, we should
treat as many people as ends as possible. We have interpreted this to
imply that we should actively promote the well-being of those affected
by the action in question. However, because promoting the well-being of
as many people as possible could conflict with treating as few people
as possible as mere means, and because the most basic imperative is not
to treat people as mere means, the second imperative must be restricted
so that it is consistent with the first.

At this point an objection can be raised. We can avoid treating a
person as mere means by doing nothing at all. Consequently, in any
situation we can avoid treating anyone as a mere means. If we accept
the preceding imperative as basic, we should sacrifice no one in the
lifeboat example, because that would be to treat as mere means as few
people as possible. But that would result in a needless loss of life.
We must, then, find a different basic principle.

We can avoid the objection by construing the treatment of someone as
mere means to include doing nothing to help him when he truly needs
help, especially when his life is imperiled. Not to do anything to help
someone in such a situation is to respond to him as something with no
intrinsic worth. This amounts to treating him a mere means. We can,
then, take the basic imperative to be

In any situation, (a) treat as mere means as few people as possible,
and (b) treat as ends as many people as is consistent with (a).

We have claimed that promoting someone's happiness is important for
treating him as an end. We should, then, incorporate into our
imperative a prescription to promote the happiness of those affected by
an action. However, because promoting as much happiness as possible
often conflicts with the previously stated basic imperative, any
prescription to promote happiness must be restricted, so that following
it is consistent with what our basic Kantian imperative prescribes.

Although this gives the essential skeleton of the principle, there is
still the question how we are to relate the treatment of as many people
as ends as possible to the promotion of happiness. The problem is that
there are several conflicting ways we could do this. We treat one
person as an end by promoting his happiness. We could, then, require
the action that promotes to some degree the happiness of the greatest
number of people, or we could be utilitarian at this point and require
that it maximize the total amount of happiness, counting, of course,
each one as one and no one more than one. Let us initially choose an
act utilitarian interpretation that gives us the following principle:

An action ought to be done in a situation if and only if

1. Doing the action, (a) treats as mere means as few people as possible
in the situation, and (b) treats as ends as many people as is
consistent with (a), and

2. Doing the action in the situation brings about as much overall
happiness as is consistent with (1).

As the reader can discover for himself, this principle seems to meet
all of the first five conditions that any satisfactory ethical theory
must meet, except for (3), which concerns special duties. By applying
the act utilitarian principle to treatment of people as ends, we have
allowed the problem of the special duties of teachers and others to
arise again. However, because this problem can be handled by rule
utilitarianism, we can accommodate special duties by applying the rule
utilitarian principle. Here again we have a choice to make. We can
assume, as a rule utilitarian does, that there are utilitarian rules
covering every situation involving a moral choice. Or we can make
provision for the existence of some situations not covered by these
rules by requiring that the act utilitarian principle apply in these
situations. Let us here, however, accept the rule utilitarian's
assumption. What we can call the utilitarian Kantian principle will be

An action ought to be done in a situation if and only if

1. Doing the action, (a) treats as mere means as few people as possible
in the situation, and (b) treats as ends as many people as is
consistent with (a), and

2. Doing the action is prescribed by any utilitarian rule that (a) does
not violate condition (1) in the situation, and (b) is not overridden
by another utilitarian rule that does not violate condition (1) in the
situation.

To help understand this principle, let us see what it would prescribe
in one particular lifeboat example. Let us assume that you are the
captain of a ship that has just sunk, and you are in charge of the one
remaining lifeboat, which has too many people crammed into it and three
others, who are taking their turns in the water, hanging onto the sides
of the boat. Suppose further that a dangerous storm is quickly
approaching, and the boat will capsize unless five people, at minimum,
are cast adrift. You must decide what ought to be done. The utilitarian
Kantian principle requires you to sacrifice some people, but as few as
possible, in the situation in order to save the rest. In this way you
would treat as few as possible as mere means, and as many as possible
as ends in this situation.

Once this decision is made you are faced with the problem of finding a
procedure for deciding who is to be sacrificed. One decision procedure
which clearly treats no one as mere means is to draw straws, but
another one is to ask for volunteers. The basic Kantian requirement
expressed in condition (1) provides no way to choose between the two
procedures. Thus, you must consider any relevant utilitarian rules. To
see which rules apply, let us further assume that five people in the
boat have publicly volunteered to be sacrificed. Consider now the
following rule: Whenever it is required that some people be sacrificed
to save others, and some people have publicly volunteered to be
sacrificed, then there is a prima facie obligation to sacrifice the
volunteers. This rule clearly applies in this situation and it does not
violate what the basic Kantian condition requires. Furthermore, it is
reasonable to think it is a utilitarian rule, because its being in
effect tends to maximize the overall happiness of those to whom it
applies. Indeed, it is quite likely that if this rule were not followed
when it applies, there would be great unhappiness, and strong
resistance, or even mutiny, when those who did not volunteer, but know
others did, are asked to take a chance on being sacrificed. And, given
the additional plausible assumption that this rule is not overridden in
this situation, your obligation is to ask for volunteers, rather than
have the passengers draw straws.

The principle we have finally reached is complex. As can be seen from
the preceding example, it requires of anyone that he consider and
relate many factors in order to decide what he ought to do in any
particular situation. In many situations, it is practically impossible
to complete such a complex task. Each of us should, of course, do the
best he can, and where anyone has done a reasonably good job but failed
to decide correctly, no blame or guilt should attach to him. As brought
out in the beginning of this chapter, the standards appropriate for
morally evaluating actions are different from those appropriate for
morally evaluating persons. Although we have not considered the latter
kind of standard here, one thing is clear: Many actions that are quite
clearly wrong do not reflect blame or guilt upon the doer.

Philosophical Problems and Arguments: An Introduction
by James W. Cornman, Keith Lehrer, George Sotiros Pappas
http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/0872201244/
http://hume.ucdavis.edu/phi102/lecmenu.htm
> On Nov. 8, one day after Proposal 2 was approved by 58 percent of
> Michigan voters, President Mary Sue Coleman expressed disappointment at
> the result and vowed to continue the battle by every means possible.
> The university's lawyers then requested that the force of the new
> proposal be stayed until the present admissions cycle was complete. But
> when a federal appeals court denied the request, the university bowed
> to the ruling while reserving its right to mount legal challenges to
> the new law.
> No one believes that this is the end of the story. Debates about
> affirmative action have been going on since the concept was first
> introduced during the Nixon administration. And in fact the debate goes
> back at least as far as Kant and his ideas about how to tell the
> difference between principled and unprincipled policies. Kant says that
> correct political thinking must begin by affirming two propositions: 1)
> "the freedom of every member of society as a human being," and 2)
> "the equality of each with all the others as a subject." This
> emphasis on freedom and equality has led some of my students to
> conclude that Kant would have been in favor of affirmative action
> because, they reasoned, it was the denial of freedom and equality to
> African Americans that produced the injustices affirmative action is
> intended to redress.
> That, I tell my students, is the wrong answer, because it confuses and
> conflates two aspirations Kant was concerned to keep separate: the
> achieving of results that many would think good, and acting in
> conformity with the moral law. In some philosophies - utilitarianism
> in some of its versions would be an example - morality and the
> bringing about of a desired social outcome (a more equal distribution
> of wealth, proportionate representation of minorities in positions of
> influence and power) would be one and the same. But Kant is, at least
> philosophically, indifferent to outcomes, in part because, as he puts
> it, "men have different views on the empirical end of happiness"
> - that is, different views about what society should look like and
> therefore different views about the policies that should be pursued.
> A state dedicated to morality rather than to happiness will not take
> sides and choose one end before the others; rather it will protect the
> right of every man to choose the end he prefers, provided that he in
> turn accords the same right to his fellows. "Each may seek his
> happiness in whatever way he sees fit, so long as he does not infringe
> upon the freedom of others to pursue a similar end which can be
> reconciled with the freedom of others." It is the abstract right
> rather than "the object in relation to which" it might be
> exercised, and the condition of freedom rather than any action freely
> performed, that Kant values. His interest is not in the particular life
> plan an autonomous citizen might wish to pursue, but in the ability of
> that citizen to pursue it without having the plan preferred by others
> imposed on him or realized at his expense.
> Kant, in short, divorces morality from policy, and he makes the point
> by contrasting two maxims: "Honesty is the best policy," and
> "Honesty is better than any policy." The first maxim is a strategic
> recommendation. It says, when you want to accomplish something,
> you'll have a better chance if you are honest. The second - and in
> Kant's mind, superior - maxim takes no notice of strategy. It says,
> being true to your principles independently of the result they may or
> may not produce is the only moral way to go.
> The danger the first maxim holds out is that at some point you might
> decide that your goal would be better served by a little deception and
> secrecy (just as some have said in recent years that the protection of
> democracy requires doing undemocratic things), and at that point
> morality will have given way to expediency and considerations of
> prudence. "The legislator may indeed err," says Kant, "in judging
> whether or not the measures he adopts are prudent," but he will not
> err in judging "whether or not the law harmonizes with the principle
> of right," because "he has ready to hand an infallible a priori
> standard." Honesty is to be followed not because it works or might
> work (a prudential judgment), but because it is right.
> It is because Kant insists on distinguishing what works (at least in
> the short run) and what is right that he would, I believe, be against
> affirmative action. He would have said, as many opponents of
> affirmative action do say, that it is wrong to respond to past acts of
> discrimination by discriminating in the present, even if your
> intentions are good. If discrimination - the unequal treatment of
> inherently free and equal citizens - is to be condemned when the
> motives behind it (to preserve power or maintain a way of life) are
> suspect, it is also to be condemned when the motives behind it (to
> redress an historical injustice or have the student body reflect the
> diversity of America) are benign. Otherwise the calculation of
> happiness (at least by someone's lights) will have taken precedence
> over the upholding of principle.
> This is of course the logic of reverse racism, and it was powerfully
> articulated by Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas in Adarand v. Pena
> (1995): "It is irrelevant whether a government's racial
> classifications are drawn by those who wish to oppress a race or by
> those who have a sincere desire to help those thought to be
> disadvantaged. In each instance, it is racial discrimination, pure and
> simple."
> I do not mean to suggest that because Kant (at least in my account of
> him) would agree with Justice Thomas, the case against affirmative
> action has been decisively made. I am just noting that the two actions
> Kant contrasts - legislating in response to perceived social needs
> and legislating with an eye always to first principles - have defined
> the affirmative action debate from its beginning and continue to do so.
> The other, non-Kantian, side has had its share of champions, including
> Justice John Paul Stevens, who declared (also in Adarand v. Pena),
> "There is no moral or Constitutional equivalence between a policy
> that is designed to perpetuate a caste system and one that seeks to
> eradicate racial subordination." Stevens is saying in effect, come
> on, the difference between Jim Crow laws and minority set-asides is
> obvious to anyone; why obscure it in a fog of so-called principle?
> The same opposition was played out later in Grutter v. Bollinger
> (2003), this time between Justice Thomas (he is the justice most
> addicted to principle) and Justice Sandra Day O'Connor. O'Connor,
> writing for the majority that upheld the University of Michigan Law
> School's admission policy, speculated that "in 25 years from now
> the use of racial preferences will no longer be necessary to further
> the interest approved today." The interest she refers to is the
> interest in achieving a diverse student body, and in order to further
> it, she is willing, at least for a while, to allow the use of an
> otherwise suspect means.
> Thomas replies in his dissent that if racial preferences of the kind
> the law school employs will be illegal in 25 years, they are "illegal
> now," for the Constitution, if it means anything, "means the same
> thing today as it will in 300 months." For Thomas, what is at stake
> is the question of whether the Constitution has an unchanging meaning
> to which we are obliged to adhere, or whether, on the other hand, the
> Constitution is a dynamic, living document that adjusts to
> circumstances and the emergence of problems the founders never
> contemplated. This is a very old question in the field of
> constitutional interpretation, and it is at heart the very same
> question raised by affirmative action. Do we judge policies as being
> more or less likely to have the consequences we seek in the persent, or
> do we judge policies as being more or less compatible with first
> principles that know no time but are always applicable? Do we ask, will
> it work? Or do we ask, is it right?
> My interest in these questions is (for once) more than academic, for I
> have been a participant in the affirmative action debates since the
> early 1990s. I have written a bunch of essays (some in this newspaper),
> two books ("There's No Such Thing as Free Speech And It's A Good
> Thing Too" and "The Trouble With Principle"), done radio and
> television shows, participated in forums, appeared at city council
> meetings, and all in support of the position enunciated by Justice
> Stevens: that so-called principled arguments against affirmative action
> work by evacuating both history and morality - evacuating history by
> going to a level of abstraction so high that the difference between
> acts motivated by beneficence and acts motivated by malice disappear,
> and evacuating morality on the same reasoning.
> Now I'm not so sure. Nor am I sure why I'm no longer so sure,
> although I expect it has something to do with two arguments I have been
> making with increasing vigor in the past several years. (My wife says
> that I'm just moving to the right in the manner typical of all old
> Jews.)
> I have been arguing that the answer to the question, what does a text
> mean? is that a text means what its author intends, and that therefore
> it is incoherent to speak of a living Constitution with an evolving
> meaning. An evolving meaning - a meaning that alters with the times
> - is, I have insisted, not a meaning at all, but a projection of the
> interpreter's desires. If interpretation is to be a serious activity
> rather than a game with no rules, it must have an object, and the only
> object it can intelligibly have is a meaning that is prior to
> anyone's efforts to determine it. In the context of that argument,
> affirmative action is an appropriate remedy for historical injustices
> only if it can be brought into line with constitutional and
> interpretive principles. The question is, can it be made to square with
> the meaning the founders intended and with the values - equality and
> equal treatment - the judicial process has enshrined? I'm not
> saying that the answer to that question is no, only that it is a
> different question from the one I used to ask, the pragmatic question
> of whether it will improve a bad situation.
> The second argument I have been making is that institutions of higher
> education (and their faculty) have only two proper tasks: to introduce
> students to bodies of material and to equip them with analytical
> skills. Anything else, in my very strong view, is the job of some other
> industry or institution, and that includes fashioning character,
> molding democratic citizens, taking moral or political stands, and
> performing actions designed to make the world a better place. One
> reason for supporting affirmative action is that it will make the world
> a better place, a more democratic place. But from the perspective of my
> severe notion of what universities should and should not be doing, that
> is not a good reason. It follows then that if affirmative action is to
> be defended, it must be on the basis of a pedagogical goal it directly
> furthers. I'm not saying that there is no such goal - several have
> been proposed - but that it has not yet been identified in a way I
> find entirely persuasive.
> On the other had (or is it the third hand?), I still feel that
> affirmative action is a noble endeavor inspired more often than not by
> the best of motives, and I feel too that many who oppose it are the
> heirs (metaphorically) of those who have stood in the way of every
> advance in social justice made in the last 60 years. And there I stand,
> or rather, wobble. I've been thinking again and not finding it much
> fun.
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