Bush's Texas Chainsaw Massacre ...Or The Clock Ticks for Thee (in Baghdad
and Washington)

By Tom Engelhardt
Created May 2 2007 - 9:35am

[Note for Tomdispatch readers: On this fourth anniversary of the President's
"Mission Accomplished" moment, I urge you to consider ordering yourself a
copy of Mission Unaccomplished: Tomdispatch Interviews with American
Iconoclasts and Dissenters [1] (Nation Books). James Carroll, Chalmers
Johnson, Katrina van den Heuvel, Howard Zinn, Juan Cole, Mike Davis, Barbara
Ehrenreich, Mark Danner, and other interviewees provide the best guide
possible to the years we've just lived through. It's empire-on-the-run and
great reading -- and, of course, I'll be appreciative to each of you forever
and ever... Tom]

It had taken much thought and planning that wartime May Day four years ago
when George W. Bush co-piloted an S-3B Viking sub reconnaissance Naval jet
onto the deck of the USS Abraham Lincoln. Scott Sforza, a former ABC
producer, had "embedded" himself on that aircraft carrier days before the
President landed. Along with Bob DeServi, a former NBC cameraman and
lighting specialist, and Greg Jenkins, a former Fox News television
producer, he had planned out every detail of the President's arrival -- as
Elisabeth Bumiller [2] of the New York Times put it then -- "even down to
the members of the Lincoln crew arrayed in coordinated shirt colors over Mr.
Bush's right shoulder and the 'Mission Accomplished' banner placed to
perfectly capture the president and the celebratory two words in a single
shot. The speech was specifically timed for what image makers call 'magic
hour light,' which cast a golden glow on Mr. Bush."

Before the President could descend jauntily from that plane into the perfect
light of a late spring afternoon, and onto what was essentially a movie set,
the Abraham Lincoln, which had only recently hit Iraq with 1.6 million
pounds [3] of ordnance, had to be stopped just miles short [4] of its home
base in San Diego. No one wanted George W. Bush simply to clamber aboard.

Who could forget his Tom-Cruise-style "Top Gun swagger [5]" across that
deck -- so much commented on in the media in the following days -- to the
carefully positioned podium where he gave his speech? It was to be the
exclamation point on his invasion of choice and provide the first fabulous
photos for his presidential campaign to come. Only two things about that
moment, that speech, are remembered today -- that White House-produced
"Mission Accomplished" banner behind him and his announcement, with a
flourish, that "major combat operations in Iraq have ended."

If his landing and speech are today remembered as a woeful moment, an
embarrassment, if those fabulous photos never made it into campaign 2004,
that was, in part, because of another event -- a minor headline -- that very
same May day: Halfway around the world, soldiers from the 82nd Airborne
Division, occupying an elementary school in Fallujah, fired on a crowd of
angry Iraqi demonstrators. Perhaps 15 Iraqis died and more were wounded. Two
days later, in a second clash, two more Iraqis would die.

On CNN's website the day after the President's landing, the main headline
[6] read: "Bush calls end to 'major combat.'" But there was that smaller,
secondary headline as well: "U.S. Central Command: Seven hurt in Fallujah
grenade attack." Two grenades had been tossed into a U.S. military compound,
leaving seven American soldiers slightly injured.

In the months to follow, those two headlines would jostle for dominance, a
struggle now long over. Before May 1, 2004 ever rolled around, "mission
accomplished" would be a scarlet phrase of shame, useful only to critics of
the administration. By that one-year anniversary, Fallujah had morphed into
a resistant city that had withstood an assault by the Marines. In November
2004, it would be largely destroyed by American firepower without ever being
subdued. Now, the already failed American method of turning largely
destroyed Fallujah into a giant "gated" prison camp [7] for its residents is
being applied to the Iraqi capital, Baghdad, where huge walls are slated to
rise around 10 or more recalcitrant neighborhoods [8] as part of the
President's Baghdad Security Plan, or "surge."

Four years later, casualty figures are so terrible in Iraq that the
government, locked inside the Green Zone in the capital, has, for the first
time, refused to reveal the monthly figures to the United Nations, though
figures do show [9] a continuing epidemic of assassinations of Iraqi
academics and of torture of prisoners, a steep rise in deaths among
policemen, and a rise in "honor killings" of women by their own families.
Four years later, those few "slightly injured" men of the 82nd Airborne
Division have morphed into last week's 9 dead and 20 wounded from a
double-truck-bomb suicide attack [10] on one of that division's outposts in
Diyala Province; over 100 Americans [11] were killed in the month of April
[12] alone; 3,350 Americans in all (not including hundreds of "private
security contractors").

Four years later, the American military has claimed dramatic success in
reducing a wave of sectarian killings in the capital -- but only by leaving
out [13] of its count the dead from Sunni car/truck/motorcycle-bomb and
other suicide-bomb attacks; with over 100 car bombings last month, and
similar figures for this one, Sunni militants are outsurging the U.S. surge
in Baghdad, making "a mockery of the US and Iraqi security plan," according
to BBC reporter Andrew North [14].

Four years later, not only has the Bush administration's "reconstruction" of
the country been a record of endless uncompleted or ill-completed projects
and massive overpayments, not to speak of financial thievery [15], but even
the projects once proclaimed "successes" turn out, according to inspectors
[16] from the Office of the Special Inspector General for Iraq
Reconstruction, to be disasters "no longer operating as planned"; the
biggest business boom in a country in which unemployment is sky-high may be
"a run on concrete barriers [17]" for security, which are so in demand that
sometimes they "are not fully dry when military engineering units pick them
up"; electricity availability and potable water supplies are worse than
ever; childhood malnutrition is on the rise; no one even mentions Iraqi oil
production which remains well below the worst days of Saddam Hussein and
billions of dollars of which are being siphoned off [18] onto the black
market.

Four years later, U.S. prisons, one of the few reconstruction success
stories in Iraq, are chock-a-block full, holding 18,000 [19] or more Iraqis
in what are essentially terrorist-producing factories; Iraq has the worst
refugee problem [20] (internal and external) on the planet with perhaps 4
million people in a population of 25 million already displaced from their
homes (202 of whom were admitted to the United States in 2006); the Iraqi
government inside the Green Zone does not fully control [21] a single
province of the country, while its legislators are planning to take a
two-month summer "vacation"; a State Department report [22] on terrorism
just released shows a rise of 25%% in terrorist attacks globally, and 45%% of
these attacks were in Iraq; 80%% of Iraqis [23] oppose the U.S. presence in
their country; 64%% [24] of Americans now want a timetable for a 2008
withdrawal; and the President's approval rating fell to its lowest point,
28%%, in the most recent Harris poll [25], which had the Vice President at a
similarly record-setting 25%%.

During this grueling, destructive downward spiral through the very gates of
hell [26], whose end is not faintly in sight, the administration's war words
and imagery have, unsurprisingly, undergone continual change as well. In the
course of these last years, the "turning points," "tipping points,"
"milestones," and "landmarks" on the road to Iraqi democracy and freedom
have turned into modest marks on surveyor's yardsticks ("benchmarks"), not
one of which can be met [27] by the woeful Iraqi government of Prime
Minister Nouri al-Maliki. The "magic hour light" of May 2003 has
disappeared, along with those glorious photos from the deck of the carrier.
The sort of descriptions you see today, as in a recent David Ignatius column
[28] in the Washington Post, sound more like this: "Republicans voice the
bitterness and frustration of people chained to the hull of a sinking ship."
(The USS George W. Bush, undoubtedly.) Oh, and the President and what's left
of his tattered administration have stopped filming on a Top Gun-style movie
set and seem now to be intent on remaking The Texas Chainsaw Massacre [29].

This White House has plunged Iraq and the world into the geopolitical
equivalent of a blood-and-gore exploitation film that simply won't end. Call
that "Mission Accomplished"!

The Mission Continues (2003)

Just the other day, with the fourth anniversary of the Top Gun speech
looming, Deputy White House Press Secretary Dana Perino was questioned [30]
at a press briefing yet again about that infamous banner and "major combat
operations" being at an end. Here is part of the exchange:

"MS. PERINO: ...I think that if you only take the one line, that the end
of combat operations -- major combat operations, that's true, but the
President also --

"Q: Yes, but the banner is [a] consideration, as well.

"MS. PERINO: Okay, well... And we have explained it many times. And you
know what? I have a feeling I'm just on the losing end of this battle
because the left has decided to believe what they want to believe, which is
that the President was saying that the war was over and the troops were
coming home. That's not what he said, and I just told you specifically what
he said, and I encourage people to read the whole speech. And that ship...
USS America [sic] Lincoln had been deployed for well over its stated
period... they were coming home. And it was the ship that -- that['s]
mission was accomplished. And the President never said, 'mission
accomplished' in the speech..."

Actually, Perino isn't wrong on "mission accomplished" -- and not just in
the literal sense either. It's well worth taking up her suggestion, in fact,
and rereading that speech [31], though in order to do so you have to travel
a vast distance, as if through some Star-Trekian wormhole into an alternate
universe.

You have to reach across the chasm of Bush administration disasters -- from
Kabul and Baghdad to New Orleans and Walter Read Medical Center -- to
another moment, another mood in the United States. If you do, perhaps the
first thing you'll note about that magic-hour speech is its globally
messianic and militarized nature. The President, for instance, congratulated
the returning sailors and airmen in this over-the-top way: "All of you --
all in this generation of our military -- have taken up the highest calling
of history." It's the sort of line that brings to mind one of the
President's favorite hymns [32], "A Charge to Keep": "To serve the present
age,/ My calling to fulfill:/ O may it all my powers engage/ To do my
master's will!" It also brings to mind Bush's post-9/11 slip of the tongue
when he spoke [33] of his beloved "war" as: "this crusade, this war on
terrorism."

And what exactly was that calling, the highest in history, for which they
were fighting? A President, just off the plane ride of his dreams, was
perfectly willing to spell it out. It was nothing less -- he announced from
the deck of a ship whose planes had just pummeled Saddam Hussein's Iraq --
than "the peace of the world." And the "peace" the President had in mind
wouldn't be some namby-pamby cooperative endeavor. It would be an armed
demand of the rest of the world. After all, the invasion Bush had launched
just weeks before, hadn't been an ordinary military operation, a simple
superpower "cakewalk" [34] over a pathetic force hollowed out by years of
war and fierce economic sanctions. Operation Iraqi Freedom, as it was
called, was something "the world had not seen before." Talk about awesome!
"You have shown the world," the President assured the Abraham Lincoln crew,
"the skill and the might of the American Armed Forces" -- the likes of
which, the power of which, it was clear, had never been witnessed on the
face of this planet in all of history from all the empires that ever were.

Invoking the American-manufactured image [35] of Saddam's falling statue in
Baghdad's Firdos Square, Bush waxed enthusiastic, perhaps imagining Biblical
idols dropping before the one true God: "In the images of falling statues,
we have witnessed the arrival of a new era." A new era! You can feel that
messianic exclamation point embedded in the spirit of the claim. And it
wouldn't for a second be an era in which the lion lay down with the lamb; it
would be a U.S. military-enforced era of "freedom." In the American
military's ability to crush enemies without harming civilians, the kind of
war being fought, he swore, was nothing less than "a great moral advance."

The highest calling in history! The peace of the world! Something the world
had not seen before! A new era! A great moral advance!

Given all this, Perino was absolutely on the mark. The President didn't
consider his mission accomplished -- not by a long shot. That's why he never
used the two words together in a speech otherwise filled to the brim with
"victory," flushed with success, high on winning. Yes, "major combat" was
over in Iraq, but that represented only "one victory in a war on terror."
The "mission" -- and it was indeed a mission he was talking about -- was
nothing as small as a world historic success against one brutal dictator. No
indeed.

True, the regime of the monster in Baghdad had been felled or, as the term
of tradecraft of that moment went, "decapitated"; Saddam's program of
weapons of mass destruction had been thwarted ("We've begun the search for
hidden chemical and biological weapons and already know of hundreds of sites
that will be investigated..."); and Saddam's (implied) links to al-Qaeda and
the 9/11 attacks handsomely repaid. Naturally, as well, American military
personnel wanted to return home after such a successful venture, but that
was not yet possible.

The planet must first be set right and the President's speech that May Day
four years ago was nothing less than a trumpet call to the troops -- and a
warning to planet Earth. "[A]ll can know," the President intoned, "friend
and foe alike, that our nation has a mission: We will answer threats to our
security, and we will defend the peace... We do not know the day of final
victory, but we have seen the turning of the tide." The mission, despite
that fatal banner, was not "accomplished." Not in the least. As the
President said ringingly, quoting the Bible and thanking God, "Our mission
continues."

Looking back across the vast expanse of disaster that is Bush policy in
Afghanistan, Iraq, "the Greater Middle East" (aka the oil heartlands of the
planet), and elsewhere (including our own country), his was, in fact, a
particularly chilling speech -- a ringing reaffirmation that one war was so
many too few; a resounding endorsement of what would later be dubbed by
Centcom Commander John Abizaid, "The Long War." Our President was already
imagining an Orwellian future in which military power beyond compare was to
actively remake the planet, cruise missile by cruise missile, under the
banner of "peace." Above all else, his speech was a reaffirmation of an
American "mission" in which time, maybe even all eternity, was on our side.

As it happens, those Pax Americana pipedreams would never make it out of
Iraq. That speech, suffused with George W. Bush's personal sense of
pleasure, satisfaction, and all-American war play ("When I look at the
members of the United States military, I see the best of our country, and
I'm honored to be your Commander-in-Chief..."), would be destroyed by "all
the citizens of Iraq who welcomed our troops and joined in the liberation of
their own country." Put more precisely, it would be done in by a ragtag
minority Sunni insurgency and a ragtag Shiite government that shared hardly
a shred of his particular vision. Perhaps the moral here, if there is one,
might be: Beware the man who praises himself and his nation too highly.

Tick...Tick...Tick (2007)

"No man is an island, entire of itself," wrote John Donne. "...[A]ny man's
death diminishes me, because I am involved in mankind; and therefore never
send to know for whom the bell tolls; it tolls for thee."

Unfortunately, our President was, four years ago, already a man on an
island, or the deck of an aircraft carrier doubling as a movie set,
separated from the mainland of this world. He already had his military
outfits [36] to dress up in and his cowboy language ("bring 'em on" [37])
straight from the films of his childhood to wield. Back in those days, he
was already favoring appearing in specially tailored military jackets in
front of military crowds that would hoo-ah him enthusiastically -- and his
handlers and enablers were already making ever so sure that no challenging
human ever made it onto that island of his.

When he moved globally, he did so only on his bubble-island, surrounded by
specially flown-in protection and entourage. To offer but a partial list
[38] from one such trip: armored escort vehicles, the presidential car
(known to insiders as "the beast"), 200 Secret Service agents, 15 sniffer
dogs, a Blackhawk helicopter, 5 cooks, and 50 White House aides. From London
to Manila, his arrival automatically emptied whole central cities of life.

Not surprisingly, then, when the bell first began to toll for him, when
those first signs of trouble began to appear in Iraq, he and his aides,
officials, and advisors simply dismissed reality. As former CIA Director
George Tenet's new memoir evidently makes clear, the island looked so much
more appealing. According to New York Times book reviewer [39] Michiko
Kakutani, for instance: "Mr. Tenet writes that the C.I.A.'s senior officer
in Iraq was dismissed as a 'defeatist' for warning in 2003 of the dangers of
a growing Iraqi insurgency, though it was already clear then that United
States political and economic strategies were failing. Although the trends
were clear, he adds, those in charge of policy 'operated within a closed
loop.' In that atmosphere, he says, bad news was ignored: the agency's
subsequent reporting, which would prove 'spot-on,' was dismissed."

As a senior advisor to the President told journalist Ron Suskind [40] back
in 2002:

"[G]uys like me were 'in what we call the reality-based community,' which
he defined as people who 'believe that solutions emerge from your judicious
study of discernible reality... That's not the way the world really works
anymore,' he continued. 'We're an empire now, and when we act, we create our
own reality... We're history's actors... and you, all of you, will be left
to just study what we do.'"

Four years after the President's smooth landing, it's hard even to express
just how unaccomplished their non-reality-based "mission" remains. New
Centcom Commander Adm. William J. Fallon is complaining [41] about the use
of "the Long War" ("unhelpful") to describe our world and even the President
seems less focused on planting the stars and stripes on the heights of
eternity. In fact, when it comes to Iraq, administration officials are now
reportedly trying [42] to "scale back talk of Iraq progress" -- talk that
could not be scaled back much further without ceasing to exist.

No longer is there a landscape of freedom with its milestones and turning
points; no longer is the timescale in generations. Now, administration
officials are begging, wheedling, or bullying for months, thinking in weeks,
worrying in days. They no longer demand several lifetimes' worth of time,
but plead for just a little extra bit of it -- a modest suspension of
disbelief until September [43] -- to give the President's "new" plan a
"chance."

Today, only one image seems to be on official lips in Washington and Baghdad
and it's an ominous one: the ticking clock. It combines a complaint, a
whine, a weapon against the war's critics, an explanation, a plea, and a
mantra of sorts (all we are saying, is give time a chance). It is also a
covert acknowledgement of the pressure reality turns out to be
all-too-capable of exerting on the non-reality-based community. Time, it
says, is no longer on our side; the sand in the proverbial hourglass may be
running out. In its present incarnation, the image has been most vigorously
championed by Gen. David Petraeus, the man chosen to lead the President's
surge in Baghdad. Certainly, in recent weeks, both in Baghdad [44] and
Washington [45], he's been wielding a two-clocks-ticking image for all it's
been worth, saying things like:

"...[T]he Washington clock is moving more rapidly than the Baghdad clock,
so we're obviously trying to speed up the Baghdad clock a bit and to produce
some progress on the ground that can perhaps give hope to those in the
coalition countries, in Washington, and perhaps put a little more time on
the Washington clock."

Dana Perino seconded him last week:

"Granted... this is very tough going; it is slow going. But we have to
have slow, focused, persistent work, and encouraging patience on behalf of
the American people. As you said, there's a -- there's this talk about an
American clock versus an Iraqi clock, and sometimes the two don't tick at
the same time."

As if to speed up the pace of time, she even threw in this twist:

"Q: ...What is a reasonable period of time for the American people to
expect the Iraqi government to work out these critical measures of political
accomplishment?

"MS. PERINO: I'm not going to start the stop watch on the Iraqi
government.."

And the two of them have had plenty of company. Navy Rear Adm. Mark Fox
[46], communications director for the Multinational Force Iraq, upped the
number of ticking clocks to three: "It's clear that the Washington clock and
the London clock [are] ticking faster than the Baghdad clock."

White House Press Spokesman Tony Snow, on the other hand, reduced [47] the
clocks to one, but it was clearly the clock of clocks he was talking about:
"The other thing the President wants to make clear is, right now what
Democrats are doing is they're wasting time at a time when the clock is
ticking."

Vice President Cheney, as he is wont to do, spelled [48] the image out in
extreme terms, making a single clock stand in as a symbol of surrender, not
to say the ultimate victory of terrorism: "When members of Congress pursue
an anti-war strategy that's been called 'slow bleed,' they're not supporting
the troops, they're undermining them. And when members of Congress speak not
of victory but of time limits, deadlines or other arbitrary measures,
they're telling the enemy simply to run out the clock and wait us out."

But no one has evidently heard the clock ticking louder than the President
himself. Everywhere he went, he seemed to mention it:

March 28th: "Yet Congress continues to pursue these bills, and as they do,
the clock [49] is ticking for our troops in the field."

April 4th: "In the meantime, the clock [50] is ticking for our military."

April 7th: "For our troops, the clock [51] is ticking. If the Democrats
continue to insist on making a political statement, they should send me
their bill as soon as possible."

April 10th: "Now, the Democrats who pass these bills know that I'll veto
them, and they know that this veto will be sustained. Yet they continue to
pursue the legislation. And as they do, the clock [52] is ticking for our
troops in the field."

April 16: "As Congress delays, the clock [53] is ticking for our troops."

Who knows, of course, what a man who cannot admit to, or perhaps even
conceive of, doubt or error, or imagine "significant discussion," [54] no
less "serious debate," [55] actually makes of all this. Is anyone there who
could say to him: The clock ticks for thee? I doubt it. No man is an island;
but, for our boy President, the alarm going off may always be for Groundhog
Day [56].

Whether he knows whom the clock ticks for (other than the Democrats or the
troops), we, at least, know that the clock is ticking down on his second
term. Unfortunately, by my count, 31,536,000 ticks will only get us to this
time next year. That's an awful lot of seconds to pass, given what we know
we can expect from our President, Vice President, and their supporters --
more of the same. They've always had a knack, but only for destruction.

In Baghdad, can there be a question that any ticking clocks are attached to
bombs? In Washington, they seem to be attached to mouths that never stop
talking.

Thought of another way, from the moment those two towers came down on
September 11, 2001, our President and Vice President have themselves been
ticking clocks. Before their terms are done, before the clock runs out on
them, they may turn out to be the true suicide bombers of this era. Already,
they have managed to leave Iraq -- a modest-sized country with an immodest
pool of oil underneath it -- in a state which we have no adequate word to
describe, though when coined it will undoubtedly have a "-cide" at its end.

The clock continues to tick. By January 20, 2009, who knows what destruction
they will have wrought; what chaos they will have brought to our world.

Tom Engelhardt, who runs the Nation Institute's Tomdispatch.com ("a regular
antidote to the mainstream media"), is the co-founder of the American Empire
Project [57] and, most recently, the author of Mission Unaccomplished:
Tomdispatch Interviews with American Iconoclasts and Dissenters [58] (Nation
Books), the first collection of Tomdispatch interviews.

Copyright 2007 Tom Engelhardt

--
NOTICE: This post contains copyrighted material the use of which has not
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Law. In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107

"A little patience and we shall see the reign of witches pass over, their
spells dissolve, and the people recovering their true sight, restore their
government to its true principles. It is true that in the meantime we are
suffering deeply in spirit,
and incurring the horrors of a war and long oppressions of enormous public
debt. But if the game runs sometimes against us at home we must have
patience till luck turns, and then we shall have an opportunity of winning
back the principles we have lost, for this is a game where principles are at
stake."
-Thomas Jefferson