Part One:

From E. Howard Hunt's autobiography, An American Spy, John Wiley &
Sons, 2007



Conspiracy theorists who believe Hiss was railroaded say the
prosecution aimed to stir popular support against Communism. The only
witness against the accused was Whittaker Chambers, a TIME magazine
senior editor who supposedly received secret documents, which were
typed on Hiss's Woodstock typewriter (which he had given away). TIME,
many people point out, was owned by HENRY LUCE, a major player in
American politics who had ties to Allen and John Foster Dulles and was
a champion of America's place as world leader.

A popular theory, NOT BEYOND CONSIDERATION NOW that Nixon's massive
paranoia has come to light, is that prosecutors FORGED the evidence on
another typewriter engineered to duplicate Hiss's typewriter. John
Dean writes in his book Blind Ambition that Nixon even confessed to
Charles Colson, "The typewriters are always the key. We built one in
the Hiss case," though Colson claims that he has NO MEMORY of such a
conversation, and it never came out on any tapes. Still, twenty-five
years after the trial, Nixon's secret tapes show that he remained
obsessed with the case, talking about it frequently.



Note: In the recent book Legacy of Ashes, Weiner writes:



It was second nature for Dulles to plant stories in the press.
American newsrooms were dominated by veterans of the government's
wartime propaganda branch, the Office of War Information, once part of
Wild Bill Donovan's domain. The men who responded to the CIA's call
included Henry Luce and his editors at TIME, LIFE and Fortune; popular
magazines such as Parade, the Saturday Review, and Reader's Digest;
and the most powerful executives at CBS news. Dulles built a
public-relations and propaganda machine that came to include more than
fifty news organizations, a dozen publishing houses, and personal
pledges of support from men such as Alex Springer, West Germany's most
powerful press baron.



p. 77

Part TWO:



Still, it's clear that at least from the time of ALger Hiss, Nixon was
accustomed to spinning his own paranoid reality and had been somewhat
successful in foisting it upon a willing public -- to which I
belonged. And so it was that a bodyguard of otherwise honorable men
began shielding private Nixonian truth with public lies.

Nixon's legacy of malfeasance is found in diminished respect for the
presidency and suspicion of government itself: an imprint as enduring
as it is unforgivable.

Classical Greek dramatists focused on hubris, the tragic flaw in a
man's character that inevitably brings him from high to low estate.
Nixon's flaws were paranoia, vanity, pride, and obsession with
self-preservation at the expense of the public's governance.



American Spy, E. Howard Hunt, p. 322.

Peter Fokes